El cambio y el no cambio gramatical en el relato histórico en la transición del siglo XVII al XVIII

Abstract

In this paper we attempt to establish the evolutionary status of syntactic changes that affect the argumentative, sentential and textual cohesion in the discursive tradition of historical narrative in three texts from 1684, 1725 and 1746, respectively. Direct object markings by the preposition a and indirect object by clitic doubling maintain their frequencies; leísmo and the pronominal enclisis progressively decrease. Locative ser and transitive haber disappear after 1684; the collation of elements between the auxiliary and the participle of compound tenses reaches 1725, and so do the indicative value of the –ra form and the future subjunctive. The consecutive sentences show situations of variation driven by discursive activity rather than by changes. There exists no border in syntactic evolution between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; just a turning point around 1725, at most.