Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública <p>The Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública (RLOP) is the official publication of the <a href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener">World Association for Public Opinion Research Latinoamérica</a> (WAPOR Latam). Since 2020 it is edited by the <a href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Instituto de Iberoamérica</a> and <a href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca</a>.</p> <p>Two issues are published a year, in Open Access format. The journal admits and publishes articles and research notes in Spanish, English and Portuguese.</p> <p>RLOP has initiated a new stage in which it will focus on the publication and dissemination of:</p> <ul> <li class="li1 show"><span class="s2">-public opinion studies that contribute to the theoretical development and empirical verification of current social and political aspects and issues;</span></li> <li class="li1 show"><span class="s2">-studies that address these issues from a national, sub-national, transnational or more global research perspective;</span></li> <li class="li1 show"><span class="s2">-studies that address the role of public opinion in political decisions, the development of public policies, electoral behavior and communication;</span></li> <li class="li1 show"><span class="s2">-evaluations and improvements in the methodology of public opinion polls, and big data and in the analysis of these types of data</span></li> </ul> <p>The journal is aimed at public opinion scholars in Latin America, whether from the academic or professional world.</p> Universidad de Salamanca en-US Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 1852-9003 <p>Authors who publish in RLOP will accept the following conditions:</p> <p>The authors retain the copyright and assign to the Journal the right of the first publication, with the work registered with the Creative Commons attribution license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0).</p> (Dis)satisfaction with Public Services: A Dynamic Model <p>This article assesses the effect of the economy on mass satisfaction with public services. Its central empirical contribution is a national index of satisfaction with basic government services – health, education, security, housing, transportation, employment, environment, and Bolsa Família – from 1989 to 2017 estimated with the dyad-ratios algorithm. Results show that unemployment rates, GDP growth and the prospective egotropic assessments of the economy impact satisfaction with public services. As such, this study connects two major research agendas – the quality of democracy and the macro polity.</p> André Bello Copyright (c) 2021 Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 2021-09-22 2021-09-22 11 2 7 33 10.14201/rlop.26017 When Inmigration is a New Issue: Evidence from Chile 2003 and 2017 <p class="p1">In countries where parties have not adopted strong policy positions on immigration–and where the immigrant population is not large–popular perceptions of immigrants might not reflect the ideological divides reported in the literature for countries where immigration is a politically salient issue. We assess the association of ideological identification with the perceptions of immigrants in Chile using two comparable national polls, one from 2003, before the recent immigration wave, and one from 2017, in the middle of an immigration wave, but before parties formally adopted policy positions on immigration. With OLS estimations, we find that, as expected, leftists had more positive views than the rest, but contrary to expectations, those on the right also had more positive views, especially in 2017. Views were more prominent in 2017 than in 2003, with those in the extreme left and extreme right displaying positive views.</p> Gonzalo Espinoza Bianchini Patricio Daniel Navia Renata Cirano Francisca Jara Nancuente Copyright (c) 2022 Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 2022-09-23 2022-09-23 11 2 35 72 10.14201/rlop.27287 Do (Perceptions of) Electoral Polling Affect Voters' Behavior? Campaigns, Partisan Bias, and Strategic Voting <p class="p1">The manuscript highlights the major role that partisanship plays in moderating voters’ interpretation of polling information and incentives to behave strategically. While prior studies highlight that partisans are less likely to vote strategically as the expressive costs of defection increase, this study sheds light on the conditions in which voters—even partisans—behave strategically and which contribute to an increase in the proportion of voters who change their vote intention during campaigns. Only partisans informed about polls are able to overcome their partisan bias and engage in strategic voting. By taking strategic voting into account in the study of campaigns, the present work builds a bridge between the campaigns effects literature and studies on strategic voting.</p> Rodrigo Castro Cornejo Copyright (c) 2023 Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 2023-01-10 2023-01-10 11 2 73 108 10.14201/rlop.29606 Survey Mode Effects in a Developing Country <p class="p1"> </p> <table class="t1" style="height: 902px;" width="233" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0"> <tbody> <tr> <td class="td1" valign="top"> <p class="p2">Responses to phone surveys tend to exhibit higher rates of social desirability bias and extreme responses when compared to face-to-face surveys. Yet, studies of mode effects typically compare either representative studies that implausibly assume comparability or experimental studies that rely on convenience samples. Our study compares two national probability samples but uses matching to address comparability. We study Costa Rica, a middle-income democracy, to see whether the conventional wisdom drawn from Western Europe and North America extends to the Global South. We analyze two nationally representative surveys, one fielded by phone and one face-to-face, allowing us to compare identically worded items we placed on both surveys. We find that phone respondents exhibited more socially desirable responding and were more likely to choose negative endpoints on scalar items. This suggests that survey researchers and practitioners should carefully assess the tradeoffs in shifting modes or employing mixed modes.</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> Noam Lupu Adam Wolsky Copyright (c) 2023 Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 2023-01-10 2023-01-10 11 2 109 132 10.14201/rlop.30159 Tolerance for Postponing Elections in Crisis Conditions <p class="p1">Election postponements occur around the world for a variety of reasons, but they became especially widespread during the Covid-19 pandemic. Little is known how the public perceives and reacts to such democratic delays. To shed light on this topic, we included a question module in the 2021 AmericasBarometer about tolerance for alterations to democracy during periods of crisis. The data reveal that tolerance for election postponements is quite high. Further, through a wording experiment, we find that the public is more willing to accept such a delay during a health emergency vis-à-vis an alternative condition (widespread violence). We contextualize these findings by comparing them with attitudes about a more extreme anti-democratic disruption: a coup d’etat by security forces. Coups are significantly less popular than election postponements, especially during a health emergency. The results improve our understanding of public appetite for authoritarianism during periods of crisis.</p> Luke Plutowski Elizabeth J. Zechmeister Copyright (c) 2022 Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 2022-09-23 2022-09-23 11 2 135 151 10.14201/rlop.26934 Julio Carrión. A Dynamic Theory of Populism in Power: The Andes in Comparative Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 269 pages. ISBN: 978-0-19-757229-0. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197572290.001.0001 Orcun Selcuk Copyright (c) 2023 Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 2023-01-10 2023-01-10 11 2 155 160 10.14201/rlop.30065